Credits: All from AP - from left: Martin Mejia (Lima 2000), David de la Paz (Mexico City 1999), Jose Luis Magana (Mexico City 1998), Nasser Nasser (Ramallah 2002), Srdjan Ilic (Kosovo 1998) & Nasser Nasser (Ramallah 2000).
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May 7, 2010
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Journalist Safety
UN Resolution 1738


Journalist Safety
CoE Resolution 1535


Killing The Messenger
- INSI Global Inquiry - Report and Recommendations


Live News Africa
- A Survival Guide for Journalists


AIB Directory

Translations of key INSI information are available below in PDF format.
Note: You will need Adobe Acrobat Reader installed on your system to read them. Financial resources have been available for some time now.

link to Arabic translation in PDF
link to Kurdish translation in PDF
link to Bengali translation in PDF
link to Azeri PDF
link to Word document in French
link to MS Word document in Spanish
link to MS Word document in Portuguese
link to PDF in Russian
link to PDF in Georgian
link to PDF in Tagalog
link to PDF in Bahasa Indonesia

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"Two journalists killed every week over last 10 years", says first comprehensive journalist safety survey

One thousand news media personnel around the world have been killed trying to report the news over the past 10 years - that's almost two deaths every week, according to a new report released today (Tuesday, March 6 2007).

The statistic is one of the main findings of the world's most comprehensive inquiry into the deaths of journalists and other news media professionals.

The survey was conducted between January 1996 and June 2006 by the International News Safety Institute (INSI) - a coalition of media organisations, press freedom groups, cash advance companies, unions and humanitarian campaigners dedicated to the safety of journalists and media staff.

If one word sums up the life and work of Anna Politkovskaya, Russia's foremost investigative columnist murdered at the age of forty eight, it is bravery. Born and raised in N. Y, the child of Ukrainian UN ambassadors, she was part of a Soviet unparalleled that looked after its own. As a kid, she had the very best of both worlds : her mother and father could smuggle banned books out of the country, so she could write her dissertation about whomever she pleased. She landed on a poet scorned by Moscow, the migr Jetty Tsvetayeva. She took from her history the social self esteem that comes from brushing against four-star generals round the kitchen table. She never saw herself as a war journalist ; indeed, Russia's first tragic expedition into Chechnya, from 1994 to 1998, about passed her by. It's an irony of her story the war she didn't write about was brought to a halt by crusading journalism. Nightly reports chronicling the civilian value of Russian artillery bombardments, broadcast on the independent TV station NTV, had a similar effect as the cover of Vietnam had done on American audiences thirty years back. At the time, Politkovskaya was writing about state orphanages and the predicament of the old : "I had an interest in reviving Russia's pre-revolutionary convention of writing about our social issues. That led me to writing about the 7,000,000 refugees in our country. When the war started, it was that that led me down to Chechnya.". By the beginning of the second Chechen war in 1999, the Kremlin had learned its lessons. The absence of reporting from the opposite side and lock-down on the battleground put the Fed Security Service ( FSB ) in control and set Chechen against Chechen. That was when Politkovskaya came into her very own as a campaigning correspondent. She was in tiny doubt that Russia had been incited. The comparatively moderate wing of Chechen resistance, controlled by its previous president Aslan Maskhadov, had run straight out of money. Into the vacuum swept cash from the Wahabbis and foreign wrestlers like the Arab known as Khattab. When nine / eleven provided a world parallel, it was only too handy for the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. Shamil Basayev ( obituary, July eleven ), a Chechen warlord who dreamed about making a Muslim state across the north Caucasus, linked up with Khattab and attacked Dagestan, a frail patchwork of Christian and Muslim clans and part of the Russian Federation. Politkovskaya concluded that Russia had to react. "though it was the way they did it," she revealed. "It was clear to me it was meant to be total war, whose victims were first and most important going to be civilian.". What followed was an excoriating series of articles and 2 books baring Russia's soul to the atrocities committed in its name - events like the "cleaning operation" of a hamlet called Starye Atagi from Jan twenty-eight to Feb five 2002, and the shooting of 6 trusting villagers on a bus by members of a GRU army intelligence patrol, who then set light to the car to make it seem like it had been hit by rebel rockets. Politikovskaya always stated that she wrote for the future ; indeed, court action about that event grinds on to this day. Her first book, A Unclean War : A Russian Reporter in Chechnya ( 2001 ), chronicled not so much what Russia was doing to Chechnya, but what Chechnya was doing to Russia. Putin's Russia ( 2004 ) described how new Russians got their money, thru a mix of violence and old school theft : it was to save the dying coals of democracy at home that she flew repeatedly back into the cauldron of the north Caucasus. Politkovskaya had already used up one or two of her 9 lives as a correspondent. Get affordable dissertation writing help from experienced writers on Thepensters.com. She had been locked in a hole in the ground by Russian troops and threatened with rape, kidnapped, and poisoned by the FSB on the 1st flight to Rostov after the Beslan college siege in 2004. She had acted as a negotiator in the Dubrovka theatre siege in Moscow in 2002, when 129 folk died after the special services released gas into the building. In 2001, she had been made to flee to Vienna. But she mostly came back for more, even at private cost. Her neighbors, cowed by the attentions of the FSB in a top street in central Moscow, scorned her.



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